Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s participation in the first-ever Central Asia–Italy Summit on May 30, 2025 in Astana signals a significant shift in Italy’s foreign strategy—pivoting more assertively towards Eurasia. Italian reporting, such as from ICE agency, confirms Italy’s intent to institutionalize this format, with Kyrgyzstan set to host the next summit in 2027 and Italy the fourth Foreign Ministers’ meeting in 2026. This reflects Rome’s tangible commitment to deeper engagement, not merely symbolic outreach.
The adopted Joint Declaration covers a broad agenda: security, energy, transport, the environment, education, migration, water, and digitalization. It notably supports the Trans‑Caspian International Transport Route (TITR) and EU’s Global Gateway connectivity strategy
Opinion analysis from Daily Sabah explains that Italy—long EU‑focused—is actively diversifying its foreign policy. Rome now seeks alternative energy supplies and transit corridors beyond Russia and China, and aims to position itself as a logistical hub linking Central Asia and Mediterranean Europe
Economic and Energy Diplomacy
Economically, Italy is Kazakhstan’s third-largest trading partner, with bilateral trade soaring to US $20 billion (≈ €17.6 bn) in 2024. During Meloni’s visit, deals amounting to approximately €7 billion were signed—€4 bn of them with Kazakhstan alone—in sectors including oil and gas, renewables, water infrastructure, and logistics. Italy’s strategy is twofold: secure alternative energy sources beyond Russian gas and embed Italian firms in burgeoning Eurasian markets.
Italy’s push for diversification of energy supply, especially including renewables and green hydrogen, responds directly to its vulnerability following post-Ukraine instability. Central Asian countries, rich in resources and green potential, are ideal partners in this regard.
Transport Connectivity & the “Middle Corridor”
A core theme was enhancing multimodal transport via the Trans‑Caspian International Transport Route (TITR), aligning with the EU’s Global Gateway initiative. Italy—through its Maritime and logistics firms—seeks to establish Mediterranean‑Central Asia linkages by leveraging major ports like Genoa, Trieste, and Naples. This drives deeper Eurasian integration by creating a viable overland alternative to China’s Belt & Road networks.
Security, Migration & Counter‑Threat Cooperation
Security cooperation was central to the joint declaration, highlighting commitments to counterterrorism, extremism, cybercrime, and illegal migration. Meloni’s visits to Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan echoed the broader Central Asia—EU focus on transnational threats (terrorism, drug trafficking, human smuggling). Italy positions itself as a partner providing expertise and institutional cooperation.
Regional Stability through Border Resolution
The summit followed closely on March 2025 border agreements between Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan (Khujand Treaty), resolving longstanding disputes and fostering regional stability. These breakthroughs strengthen intra‑regional cohesion—a key precondition for external engagement by EU states, like Italy, across Eurasia.
Institutionalizing Partnership Formats
Emerging formats—Central Asia–Italy alongside EU–Central Asia, C5+1, and Germany–Central Asia—highlight Central Asia’s growing diplomatic maturity. Analysts from The Diplomat note Italy’s “charm offensive,” branding itself as a non‑competitive, pragmatic alternative to major powers. Italy’s neutral, multilevel approach fosters trust and opens pathways for soft diplomacy and technical cooperation.
Cultural, Academic, and Soft Power Investments
Italy is expanding cultural diplomacy, academic cooperation, and people‑to‑people ties. Proposals include naming 2026 the Year of Cultural Rapprochement, promoting student and scientific exchanges, and establishing innovation campuses—steps widely highlighted in Italian media. These long‑term soft power initiatives underpin broader economic and political ties.
Environmental and Resource‑Management Synergies
The joint declaration placed significant emphasis on climate, water, and environmental cooperation—such as addressing the Aral Sea crisis, glacier melting, and energy transition. Italy, leveraging its engineering and environmental expertise, aims to support pilot projects and joint dialogues (water roundtables in 2026, energy cooperation in 2027), reinforcing sustainable regional integration.
Navigating the Geopolitical Balancing Act
Italy’s outreach occurs amid intensifying competition—China’s Belt & Road, Russia’s influence, U.S. C5+1 efforts, and SCO dynamics. Rome’s strategy remains to carve a niche by providing neutral alternatives, closely aligning with EU ties while trying to avoid overt conflict with existing Eurasian powers. But success depends on regional stability and cooperation from Central Asian governments.
Analytically, the summit dovetails with the broader EU–Central Asia Strategic Partnership, drummed up at the April 2025 Samarkand summit, which brought a €12 billion Global Gateway package. Italy now acts as a proactive member state, reinforcing regional European coherence alongside EU-led frameworks.
Outlook: Toward a Multi‑vector Eurasian Partnership
The Astana Summit marks a milestone in shaping a multi‑vector Eurasian order. Italy brings capital, technology (especially in energy, logistics, environment), and institutional know‑how, while Central Asian states offer resources, transit routes, and growing markets. If sustained—through agreed road‑maps, regular summitry, and parallel EU coordination—this partnership could underpin a more integrated, balanced Eurasian architecture, bridging Europe and Asia.
Italian-language media Radiocor and ciuz.info highlight Italy’s strength in soft power and its proposal to apply the Mattei Plan—its Africa strategy—to wider Eurasian cooperation. Italy is repurposing diaspora, academic, environmental, and technological strategies beyond traditional Eurocentric frameworks.
In sum, the Central Asia–Italy Summit showcases Italy’s strategic realignment toward Eurasian cooperation—leveraging trade, transport, energy, security, and soft diplomacy to integrate Central Asia more tightly with Europe. Italian sources affirm Rome’s commitment to formal institutional formats and concrete investments, backed by a broader EU policy context. The ultimate success will depend on translating summit-level declarations into sustained, mutually beneficial implementation across the coming years.
Broader Eurasian Implications
- Balancing Influence: Italy fosters a Eurasian alternative to both the Chinese Belt & Road Initiative and Russia’s regional presence (the Eurasian Economic Union), emphasizing EU-linked infrastructure and diversified supply chains.
- Multilateral Architecture: By integrating with EU strategies and platforms like the SCO and CICA, Central Asia can benefit from reinforced multilateral ties framed by European and Italian support.
- Strategic Connectivity: Italian–Central Asian transport routes enhance the Mediterranean–Eurasia link, challenging maritime-only supply routes with land-sea interconnected corridors.
- Green Diplomacy: Italy’s environmental orientation brings fresh impetus to water management, glacier resilience, and Aral Sea recovery initiatives.
- Soft Power Expansion: Academic, cultural, vocational, and youth initiatives help embed Italian influence in Central Asia.
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